Baring-Gould’s sources: Roman Martyrology. Not in Salisbury, York, or Hereford Kalcndars. Anglican Martyrology of Witford. Not in any copies of Bede’s Martyrology. Authority: — Bede, and mention in the Life of S. Wilfred by Eddi, his companion.] On the death of Archbishop Deusdedit of Canterbury, in a.d. 664, it became necessary to find a successor. For this purpose, Oswy, the King of Northumberland, and Egbert, King of Kent, acting in consultation with the chiefs of the Anglo-Saxon clergy, appointed a monk of Canterbury, named Wighard, universally esteemed for his virtues, a Saxon by birth, and trained in the school of the first 1 Alban Butler: — “Lives of the Fathers, Martyrs, &c." An English nobleman who was present in 1871 at the festival, and was within the altar rails close to the priest who held the glass vessel which contains the congealed hlood, informs rue that before liquefaction the appearance is that of a piece of flesh with dark veins in it. There are two handles to the vessel. The priest, a burly man, who held the vessel with both hands, kept turning it like an hour-glass, and from side to side, holding it for about twenty minutes before a crowded church, in which the heat was intense. After awhile the veins, or what looked like veins, began to dissolve, and the liquor to flow from side to side of the glass vessel. The priest held it close to the eyes of my informant, so that he saw most distinctly that the substance, whatever it was, in the vessel had become fluid.

…missionaries, sent from Rome by S. Gregory. Then the two kings sent the Archbishop-elect to Rome to he consecrated by the Pope.

Wighard had but just arrived at Rome, when he died there with nearly all his attendants. The two kings then resolved to leave to the Pope the choice of the new metropolitan [the archbishop who heads a group of dioceses] of England. Vitalian, then occupying the chair of S. Peter, replied that he had not been as yet successful in finding a person suitable for so distant a mission, but that he would use his best endeavours to satisfy the king, and provide for the interests of religion in England. After a new and long search, the Pope fixed on Adrian, an African by birth, and abbot of a monastery near Naples, well versed in ecclesiastical and monastic discipline, and knowing the Greek and Latin tongues. Adrian declined the honour, out of humility, but expressed his readiness to go to England, and pointed out to the Pope a monk whom he deemed suited for the office and responsibilities of the metropolitanate of all England; but the bodily infirmities of the monk disqualified him. Then Adrian, again urged by the Pope, proposed to him another of his friends — a Greek monk named Theodore, born, like S. Paul, at Tarsus, in Cilicia, but living at Rome, of good life and profound learning, and surnamed, from his acquirements, The Philosopher. Theodore was already of an advanced age, being sixty-six years old.

This proposition was accepted by the Pope, but with the condition that the abbot (Adrian) should accompany the new archbishop to Canterbury, and watch over his proceedings, that nothing contrary to the orthodox faith might be introduced into the Church. This precaution was taken because the Celtic Church of Northumbria [the Anglo-Saxon kingdom of northern England and south-east Scotland] and the British Church of Wales were independent, and clung tenaciously to their ancient rites. S. Wilfrid [bishop of York (d. 709)] had laboured in Northumbria to extirpate these peculiarities, and had treated with ignominy the bishops and clergy who did not conform to Roman customs. He had stirred up such irritation throughout the North, that King Oswy had been obliged to expel him from his dominions, and S. Ceadda had been enthroned at Ripon in his room.

S. Wilfrid must at all hazards be supported, the independence of the Northumbrian Church must be overcome. The new archbishop was apparently given strict injunctions to reinstate S. Wilfrid, for we find him doing so immediately on his arrival in his metropolitan see. But Theodore was not consecrated at once. An obstacle, fortunately not insuperable, stood in the way. His head was completely shaven after the Greek custom. This was one of the points on which the Celtic Church differed from the Church of Rome. It was partly because of the British bishops not wearing a ring of hair round their heads that Augustine had refused association with them in the work of evangelizing the heathen Anglo-Saxons. To send Theodore to Canterbury with wholly shaven head would have been to countenance one of the deadly errors of the British and Northumbrian Churches. Theodore had to tarry four months in Rome till his hair had grown, that he might receive the tonsure [shaving part of the head as a sign of entering the clergy or monastic life] in the Roman fashion. As soon as his head had been shaved in a Latin manner, he was consecrated by the Pope, March 26, 668, and started with the Abbot Adrian for England. But to the Asiatic and the African, so strangely chosen to rule the Anglo-Saxon Church, the Pope wisely determined to add a third, whose help, especially at the commencement of their mission, would be indispensable to them. This was the young Northumbrian noble, Benedict Biscop, filled with ardour for Roman customs, which he had acquired during a visit of some length at the metropolis of Western Christendom, and ready in heart and soul to co-operate with S. Wilfrid in forcing them on the stubborn Northumbrians. Seventy years after the mission of S. Augustine, the three envoys started for England, to take possession of it, as it were a second time, in the name of the Church of Rome.

But their journey was not without hindrance; it took them more than a year to go from Rome to Canterbury. Instead of finding in France, as Augustine had done, the generous assistance of a queen like Brunehaut, the new missionaries became the prey of the tyrant Ebroin, mayor of the palace. The presence of these three personages, a Greek, an African, and an Anglo-Saxon, all bearing recommendations from the Pope, appeared suspicious to the allpowerful minister. The Byzantine Emperor, Constantine II., at that time still sovereign of Rome, which he had lately visited and pillaged, had excited the anxiety of Ebroin, who imagined that the Papal messengers might be charged with the management of some plot between the Emperor and the Anglo-Saxon kings against the Frankish kingdom of Neustria and Burgundy, of which he regarded himself as chief. Abbot Adrian appeared to him the most dangerous, and he therefore detained him a prisoner for two years after the release of the two others. Meanwhile, thanks to the direct intervention of King Egbert, Archbishop Theodore was enabled to reach England, and solemnly take possession of his see, May 27, 669. His first act was to confide to his pious companion, Benedict Biscop, the government of the great abbey of Canterbury, since known as S. Augustine's. Benedict remained there 'as Superior until the arrival of Adrian, to whom it was transferred by the new Archbishop, according to the Pope's commands, that the African abbot and his monks who accompanied him should be established in his diocese. There must have been a stem courage and a holy ambiS. Theodore.

tion in the grand old Eastern, Theodore to induce him, at sixty-seven years of age, to undertake so laborious a task as that of the spiritual government of England. The history of the Church presents few spectacles more imposing and more comforting than that of this Greek of Asia Minor, a countryman of S. Paul, a mitred philosopher and almost septuagenarian monk, journeying from the shores of the East to train a young nation of the West, disciplining, calming, and guiding all those discordant elements, the different races, rival dynasties, and new-born forces, whose union was destined to constitute one of the greatest nations of the earth.1 Thanks to the assistance of the powerful King of Northumbria, the new Archbishop of Canterbury found himself invested, for the first time, with authority recognised by all the Anglo-Saxons. This supreme authority over all the Churches of Great Britain, whatever their antiquity or origin, had been given by Gregory the Great to Augustine, but it had existed only as a title; in Theodore it now became, for the first time, an incontestable reality. The first use he made of this supremacy was to restore Wilfrid to his see of York [a bishop’s “see” is his diocese, named from his seat (Latin sedes)]. Oswy yielded to apostolic authority when he was shown the express decrees of the Pope. The humble and saintly Ceadda resigned his see, saying meekly, “If you be certain that my episcopate is not legitimate, I will abdicate it voluntarily • I have never thought myself worthy of it, and only accepted it in obedience." The bishopric of Mercia [the Anglo-Saxon kingdom of the English Midlands] having become vacant, Wulfhere, the Mercian prince, summoned Ceadda thither, and gave up to him Lichfield for his residence; but, probably at Wilfrid's dictation, Theodore required the holy man to submit to reconsecration, he having received episcopal orders from British bishops defiled with the heresy of shaving 1 Montalembert: u Monks of the West.1' — S. Wilfrid. their whole heads, and observing Easter on the wrong day, acts which were regarded as invalidating the orders they conferred.1 But Theodore was perhaps ashamed afterwards of the humiliation offered to so modest and lowly a prelate, when he had time to measure him beside his adversary, and compare Ceadda’s meekness with the unbending haughtiness of Wilfrid. Theodore is said by Bede [English monk and historian (d. 735)] to have himself held the stirrup to the humble bishop, when Ceadda mounted a horse which the archbishop had insisted upon his riding.

Having thus regulated or rearranged the government of souls in the two largest kingdoms of the Saxon confederation, Northumbria and Mercia, the venerable archbishop pursued, with an activity in no way relaxed by age, the task which the Holy See had assigned him. He successively traversed all the provinces of the island already occupied by Anglo-Saxons. With the aid of the former bishops, and of those whom he ordained wherever they were wanting, he applied himself, in all the kingdoms, to pacify the sanguinary feuds of princes and nobles, to re-establish canonical order and ecclesiastical discipline, to correct abuses, to spread good morals, and to regulate, according to Roman custom, the celebration of Easter. He is believed to have originated on this occasion that ecclesiastical law which commanded all fathers of families to repeat daily, and to teach to their children, the Lord’s Prayer and the Creed in the vulgar tongue. Abbot Adrian accompanied him everywhere, and seconded him in all things. These two aged monks, one Asian and the other African, were received, listened to, and obeyed by the Anglo-Saxons with that affectionate deference which in Christian hearts triumphs so easily over the prejudices and opposition of a narrow 1 Such was a canon afterwards passed, “ Qui ordinati sunt Scottorum vel Britonnum Episcopi, qui in Pascha vel tonsura Catholica: non sunt ordinati ccclesise, iterum a Catholico Episcopo manus impositionc confirmentur.” ap. Thorpe, p. 307, Sept, ig.] S. Theodore.

nationality. They repaid the popular attachment by their unwearied zeal for the souls and hearts of the people, preaching to them evangelical truths, with that intelligent and practical solicitude which makes true apostles. The authentic monuments of their zeal are all preserved in the imposing collection of moral and penal institutes known as the “ Liber Poenitentialis” of Archbishop Theodore, which reveals to us the moral disorders of our forefathers, and the efforts made by the Church to heal them. In this code, set forth by a Greek prelate sent from Rome, there appears no trace of Roman or Byzantine law. On the contrary, it embodies the entire penal system of the Germanic laws, founded on the principle which required a punishment for every offence, or a compensation for every punishment.

The “Penitential” of Theodore was not, however, intended as a code of ecclesiastical law. According to the preface, it is a collection of answers given by him to persons questioning him on the subject of penance; to which in Book II. are added answers on the whole range of ecclesiastical laws and discipline; most of them received by a priest named Eoda, “ of blessed memory,” from Theodore himself, and edited by a person who gives himself the title of “ Discipulus Umbrensium,” meaning thereby, probably, that he had studied in one of the Northern schools. It is evident that Eoda was dead when the work was drawn up; but there is nothing to make it improbable that it was drawn up with the sanction of Theodore himself, or under his eye: rather it may be said that the verses found at the end of the treatise, in which Theodore commends himself to the prayers of Bishop Haeddi, make it certain that this was the case.1 As it is always pleasant to find a lovely and tender heart 1 The best edition is in Stubbs and Haddan, Councils and Eccl. Doc.” ii. among the masters and teachers of the people, it is delightful to read, at the end of one of the most ancient manuscripts of this venerable work, a few lines, in which the archbishop thus commends his work and his soul to a prelate, one of his friends: “ I beseech thee, noble and pious bishop, to pour out at the feet of God the abundance of thy prayers for Theodore, the poor stranger whom thou lovest.” In the course of his apostolic journey, Theodore naturally visited Lindisfarne. The metropolis of Celtic resistance was obliged to acknowledge the authority of the Roman metropolitan, who imprinted on it the seal of subordination and union by dedicating, under the significant title of S. Peter, the monastic cathedral of the Celtic bishops, which S. Aidan [Irish monk, founder of Lindisfarne (d. 651)] had begun to erect, in the Scottish fashion, and of wood, many years before.

Archbishop Theodore took pains also to introduce church music throughout England. Till then church song had only been used at Canterbury. He urged its introduction into every church, and sent teachers to instruct singers. In 669 he held a synod in Wessex [the Anglo-Saxon kingdom of southern England], to sanction the union of that kingdom under one bishop, Leuther. King Cenwalch in 660 had attempted the division of Wessex into two sees, Dorchester and Winchester, but his attempt had been defeated by the withdrawal of the elder bishop, Agilbert, leaving the whole kingdom under the newly-introduced Wini. On the expulsion of Wini by Cenwalch, a.d. 666, the bishopric was vacant till Leuther (Hlodhere), nephew of Agilbert, was sen* to be bishop in a.d. 670.

It was, however, by no means Theodore's intention to diminish the number of sees in England. He had in mind S. Gregory's scheme of two metropolitan sees with twelve suffragans under each, and this he desired greatly to carry into effect, or, at least, as much of it as was possible at the time. Hitherto, except in Kent, each kingly # Sept, ig.] S. Theodore.

dom of the Heptarchy had formed a diocese, each king choosing to have one bishop of his own, and only one. Northumbria, long divided into two kingdoms, had never formed more than one diocese, of which the seat was sometimes in the ancient Roman metropolis of York, sometimes in the sacred isle of Lindisfarne; and this diocese, even after a partial division, remained so vast, that the venerable Bede mentions a large number of districts which had never yet been visited by their bishop.

The extreme inequality of extent and population in the different Saxon kingdoms, which a single glance at the map will make apparent, had then led to a similar difference between the dioceses; those of the north and centre being far too large for the administration of one man. But Theodore here met with the resistance which is almost always produced in similar cases. He convoked a Council at Hertford in the fourth year of his pontificate, the first ever held in the Anglo-Saxon Church; but was obliged to adjourn his proposition. At the same time he reserved to himself the means of returning to the charge, by decreeing that the National Council should meet once a year at a place called Cloveshoe, according to Saxon fashion, in the open air. He was happier, however, in the two canons regarding monasteries which he proposed, and which were unanimously adopted by the bishops and abbots attached to Roman customs who composed this Council.

One was the canon which forbade bishops to disturb monasteries in any way, or to despoil them of their goods; the second forbade monks to pass from one monastery to another without permission from their abbot. At the head of all the canons passed in this Council, however, stood one insisting on Easter being celebrated on the same day throughout the English Church.

That which Theodore had all along desired, but which he had been obliged to postpone as premature in the council of Hertford, he was able to effect in part in 679, when, with the consent of a Mercian Witenagemot, and at the request of Kings Ethelred and Oshere, he divided Mercia into five dioceses, Worcester, Lichfield, Leicester, Lindsay, and Dorchester. Our authority for this is Florence of Worcester, but his evidence is too late to be accepted as conclusive. He is probably wrong in some of his particulars. The division was either six, Hereford being added, or it was five, and Hereford must be put in place of Dorchester. But it is possible that Hereford may not have been included by him in the division, because already existing as a see.1 It has been often asserted, on the authority of Thomas of Elmham (d. 1422), that S. Theodore first organized the parochial system in England, but there are no good grounds for holding this to have been so. Elmham speaks of Theodore dividing the “ paroichia,” but the word meant originally an episcopal diocese, and not a priest's cure. In the meantime Wilfrid of York had been stiring up antagonism against himself throughout his diocese, now enormously extended by the conquests of Oswy; his violence and haughty treatment of all who would not submit at once to abandon their ancient prejudices, his contempt for the memory of the great apostles of Northumbria, because of their Celtic peculiarities, had stirred up against him such dislike, that King Egfrid could no longer endure his presence. He appealed to Archbishop Theodore, who, having visited Northumbria, and having been brought into personal contact with Wilfrid, knew his intolerable arrogance. Wilfrid had proudly displayed his wealth and power before the king, his services of gold and silver, his innumerable army of dependents and vassals, better armed and better clothed perhaps than those of the king.

1 For a criticism of the statement of Florence, see Stubbs and Haddan, vol. iii..S'. Theodore. Theodore, loving peace, deemed it for the advantage of true religion that Wilfrid should be deposed. It is probable also that Theodore wished to divide the vast unwieldy diocese of Northumbria, as he had divided Mercia, and that he met with resistance from Wilfrid. Certain it is, that after he had deposed Wilfrid, he broke up his diocese into four (a.d. 678), York, Hexham, Lindsay, and Lindisfarne. Wilfrid angrily, indignantly, appealed to Rome. It was the first time that an appeal to Rome had been heard of in England. It is significant that all the saints and chief abbots of his county with one heart and mouth approved the change effected by S. Theodore. S. Hilda was ever implacably hostile to Wilfrid; S. Cuthbert [bishop of Lindisfarne (d. 687)] had not a word to say in his favour; even S. Benedict [father of Western monks (d. c. 547), author of the Rule] Biscop, who was heart and soul in the same cause of advancing Roman ritual and Roman supremacy, did not come to his succour. Except his own personal followers, receiving pay from his well-lined purse, all Northumbria was bitterly hostile or coldly indifferent. The action of Theodore accorded with the dictates of the national conscience.

Wilfrid carried his appeal to Rome personally. Archbishop Theodore sent a string of accusations against Wilfrid to the Pope by the hands of an exemplary monk named Coenwald. S. Hilda, Abbess of Whitby, sent special messengers to Rome charged with a similar commission. The cause of Wilfrid was heard in a council assembled by Pope Agatho; it was decreed that Wilfrid should be restored to his see; that those who had replaced him should be expelled; and it was ordered that the archbishop should ordain bishops with the title of coadjutors, who should be chosen by Wilfrid himself.

Wilfrid returned to England in 680, and his first step, before proceeding to his diocese, was to give to King Ethelred the rescript he had obtained from Pope Agatho in favour of the Abbey of Medeshamstead. This charter was sanctioned and signed by the king,, the queen, Archbishop Theodore, and Abbot Adrian. Finally Wilfrid signed it himself in these terms, “ I, Wilfrid, on my way to reclaim, by apostolical favour, my sec of York, being witness and bearer of this decree, I agree to it.” The charter is given in the Saxon Chronicle. Wilfrid then returned to Northumbria, and showed to King Egfrid, who had expelled him, the decree of the Holy See for his re-instalment in the sole bishopric of all Northumbria. The king convoked the assembly of nobles and clergy, and caused the pontifical letters to be read in their presence. Upon this there arose an ardent opposition. The authority of the Pope or the Council was not disputed, but there were cries on all sides that the judgment had been bought; and by the advice of the whole Council, and with the express consent of the intruded bishops, the king condemned Wilfrid to an ignominious imprisonment of nine months. There can be no doubt that Archbishop Theodore connived at this treatment of Wilfrid. He deemed, no doubt, that the Pope and Council had not been sufficiently informed of the facts of the case, of Wilfrid's obstructiveness to the scheme of dividing his diocese into several sees of reasonable proportions, and of his intolerable insolence to the northern clergy and bishops. The Pope and Council had judged, hearing only Wilfrid’s side of the question. Theodore afterwards, perhaps, regretted that he had allowed his judgment to make him act in contravention to the authority of the Pope. S. Theodore at once (a.d. 681) took the opportunity of still further dividing the huge northern diocese of Bernicia. He appointed Tumbert to Lindisfarne, and Trumwin to Abercorn; and Eadhaed he preferred to Ripon, which he then made for the first time the see of a bishop. It was blotted out again in 686, on Wilfrid's restoration. In a.d. 684 S. Cuthbert became Bishop of Lindisfarne. S. Theodore.

Wilfrid, set free at the request of Egfrid’s wife and mother, fled to Mercia, was driven thence by King Ethelred, and fled to Kent win in Wessex • driven again from Wessex he took refuge in Sussex with King Ethelwalch. In a.d. 684 or 685 he appears to have appealed again to the Pope, Benedict II., and, according to his biographer’s statement, to have obtained a sentence in his favour, which King Egfrid and Archbishop Theodore again disregarded. In a.d. 686 S. Theodore, then at a very advanced age, was reconciled to Wilfrid. If we may trust a partial historian he admitted that he had acted wrongly towards him, and especially towards Rome, in having disregarded all rescripts in favour of the banished prelate. We have only Eddi’s authority for this; he puts a very humble confession into the mouth of S. Theodore, which is, no doubt, a composition by Eddi himself, and little trace of such selfaccusation appears in the authentic letter of S. Theodore to King Ethelred of Mercia, on Wilfrid’s behalf. What seems to have been really effected was that Theodore and Wilfrid compromised matters. Perhaps Wilfrid, in exile and weighed down under the general abhorrence in which he was held by the saints of the English Church, felt that his conduct had been harsh and irritating, and that he had consulted his own pride rather than the welfare of Christ’s Church, in opposing the dismemberment of his unwieldy diocese.

At an interview which took place at London, between Theodore and Wilfrid, in the presence of Erkonwald, Bishop of London, it was agreed that Wilfrid should be restored to the see of York, but not to his old diocese, only to that fraction of it which had been left under York, when Theodore had broken it up by his divisions of a.d. 678 and 681; these divisions remaining intact. Lindsay had been cut off as the result of its recovery by Mercia, as well as by the division of a.d. 678, Abercorn, in the same way, by its reconquest by the Piets, as well as by the act of a.d. 68 1. Lindisfarne remained in S. Cuthbert’s hands, and was merely administered for a year by Wilfrid, on Cuthbert's death, until a successor was consecrated ■ and Hexham, to which Eata had been transferred from Lindisfarne in a.d. 685, was, upon Eata’s death in a.d. 686, held by Wilfrid for a year only, until John of Beverley was consecrated to it in a.d. 687.

The beautiful letter of Theodore to Ethelred on Wilfrid's behalf is extant, given by Eddi. He speaks of his decrepit age. He hopes, with a gentle touch of sarcasm, that in future Wilfrid will be found “ in patience to possess his soul, and that, forgetful of former injuries, he will bend a mild and humble head, mindful of the example of his Lord and Saviour." He begs the king to come and visit him, that his old eyes may behold once more his pleasant face, and that his soul may bless him, before he dies. Accordingly King Ethelred restored to Wilfrid rule over such portions of his lands as were included in his newly circumscribed diocese, and his example was followed by King Ealdfrith. Eadhed was dismissed from Ripon, and the monastery given up to Wilfrid, and Bosa was expelled from York, a.d. 686.

In the meantime Theodore the Greek, and Adrian the African, had laboured at the intellectual and literary development of the monks of Canterbury. Both were profoundly attached to, and imbued with, not only ecclesiastical knowledge, but secular learning — that double intellectual current of which the Middle Ages never ceased to afford examples. Theodore had brought with him a copy of Homer, which he read perpetually, and which was long preserved and admired by his ecclesiastical descendants. They gathered round them, in the monasteries where they lived or which they visited, a crowd of young and ardent disciples, whom they daily led to the fountain of knowledge. While explaining Holy Scripture to them with particular care, they taught their scholars also astronomy and arithmetic, and afterwards the art of composing Latin verses. But it was chiefly the study of the two classic tongues which flourished under their care. These became so general that, sixty years after, there were still monks trained in the school of Adrian and Theodore who spoke Greek and Latin as readily as Anglo-Saxon. Monasteries thus transformed into schools and homes of scientific study could not but spread a taste and respect for intellectual life, not only among the clergy, but also among their lay-protectors, the friends and neighbours of each community. Under the powerful impulse given to it by the two Roman monks, England became almost as important a literary centre as Ireland or Italy. While recalling this peaceful and luminous period, of which Theodore and Adrian were the stars, the enthusiasm of Bede breaks out in the words, “ Never since the Anglo-Saxons landed in Britain had more happy days been known. We had Christian kings at whose bravery the barbarous nations trembled. All hearts were inflamed by the hope of those celestial joys which had just been preached to them; and whosoever wished to be instructed in sacred learning found the masters that he needed close at hand.” We may add, to characterize with more precision this pontificate of Theodore, that he was the last foreign missionary called to occupy the metropolitan dignity in England, and that the great monk succeeded in transforming into an indigenous and national establishment — into a public and social institution — that which had hitherto been only a missionary Church. This transformation could only have been made by that special and supreme authority with which, at the demand of the Anglo-Saxons themselves? the oriental Archbishop had been invested by the Holy See, and the result was to give to the Popes a whole nation as a lever for their future action upon nations already Christian, and upon those which still remained to be converted. S. Theodore died at the age of eighty-eight, after a pontificate of twenty-two years, on September 19th, a.d. 690. No bishop before him had laboured so much for the intellectual development of the native clergy, or for the union of the different Anglo-Saxon dynasties. The Greek monk, therefore, may well be reckoned among the founders of the English Church and nationality; and when he was buried, wrapped in his monastic habit in place of a shroud, it was just that he should be laid on the right hand of S. Augustine, the Italian monk, who, a century earlier, had cast the first seeds of faith and Christian civilization into the soul of the Anglo-Saxon race.1 J The following lines were written by a poet of the time on the seven first arch bishops of Canterbury, who lay side by side: — “ Septem primates sunt Anglis ct proto-patres, Septem rectores, septcmque per sethra triones; Septem sunt stellae, nitet his hsec area cellae; Septem cisternae vitae, septemque lucem*." SS. Eustathius and Others.